MENTAL MAPS/COGNITIVE MAPSare what

MENTAL MAPS/COGNITIVE MAPS
are what make the Hispanic community in this region of the USA cohere as a social and political force. The same could be argued for Palestinians or, in Canada, First Nations groups. In diasporic and post-colonial con- texts – in which memory is threatened by both nostalgia and coerced assimilation – ‘cultu- ral memory offers promise of epistemological grounding’, though not necessarily within a singular national identity (Sugg, 2003, p. 469: see also diaspora; post-colonialism; transna- tionalism). Counter-memories may be assembled and transmitted through oral tradition, but also in less bureaucratized time-places: the body, domestic spaces (Blunt, 2003), neighbourhoods or ‘temporal re-territorializations’ of formal spaces (such as carnivals, festivals or rallies; Legg, 2005).
The memory projects of marginalized groups may bear the traces of trauma, such that the possibilities of memory are altered. With traumatic recall, events remain in the vivid present, resisting integration through narrativization. Though the state often in- corporates violent or tragic events into a linear narrative of national redemption and over- coming, what Edkins (2003) calls ‘trauma time’ works differently, and its repetitive dis- ruptive quality can reveal the violent founda- tions of sovereign power. Trauma thus has a relation not just to time but also space and geography; for instance, to narrations and experiences of nation and persistent claims to homeland. Sugg (2003) draws on Hirsch’s concept of post-memory to understand the ‘suspended migration’ of second-generation Cuban Americans: children of exiled parents may inherit the collective cultural trauma of their parents and remember their parents’ stories of exile as their own within a dynamic of longing and return. Alternatively, memor- ializing trauma in the landscape may consti- tute a witnessing public, setting in motion an emerging narrative (and a potential release from traumatic recall; Burk, forthcoming).
The recent tendency has been to expand the scope of memory studies by considering the role of performance and bodily and non- bodily practices in the making of memorial landscapes (Hoelscher, 2003), by examining the wider production of social memory beyond demarcated sites of monuments and memor- ials, and by considering the landscape impli- cations of the memories of animals or other than human beings (Lorimer, 2006). nj/gp
Suggested reading
Johnson (2003b, 2005); Legg (2007a); Till (2003).
mental maps/cognitive maps Perhaps the best-known research outcome from behav- ioural geography was the retrieval of the imagined or mental maps widespread in the popular knowledge of places, mental con- structs that were seen as intervening between geographical settings and human action. An early study was the simple sketch mapping of urban areas from memory supervised by Kevin Lynch in the pursuit of good urban design, which permitted an image of the city to be con- structed, revealing districts of knowledge and ignorance, and the role of such remembered features as nodes, edges and landmarks in establishing urban legibility. Behavioural geo- graphers, including Roger Downs and David Stea (1973), in contrast referred to cognitive maps, which they associated with the spatial tasks of orientation and way-finding. More formal and widely replicated were the experi- ments with paper and pencil tests conducted by Peter Gould and his students (Gould and White, 1993 [1974]), which were intended not so much to identify place knowledge and place ignorance but, rather, to establish a sur- face of place preferences. From surveys in sev- eral countries, mental maps were constructed that revealed both a national preference surface and also a local surface of desirability for a home area. Subsequent work sought to estab- lish the developmental growth of maps among children of increasing age, and examined linkages between geographical preference surfaces and future residential choice and migration propensities (Gould and White, 1993 [1974]).
Mental maps were part of a broader move- ment in environmental perception, which in turn has elided into an interest in the repre- sentation and social construction of places in a variety of disciplines using less positivist methods and emphasizing social rather than psychological factors. Nonetheless, the older analytical methods continue to generate inter- esting results (Kitchin, 1994), even if with interdisciplinary dissemination the links with the original work are truncated or forgotten. So a current study of the role of the media in shaping the spatial surface of fear in Los Angeles (Matei and Ball-Rokeach, 2005), contains the key words mental maps, GIS and spatial effects, but omits any reference to Gould’s work, including his celebrated feature in Time magazine that included a map of the
perceived fear of urban areas.
dl
Suggested reading

Gould and White (1993).

Kết quả (Anh) 1:

MENTAL/COGNITIVE MAPS MAPSare what make the Hispanic community in this region of the USA cohere as a social and political force. The same could be argued for Palestinians or, in Canada, First Nations groups. In diasporic and post-colonial con-texts-in which memory is threatened by both nostalgia and coerced assimilation-' cultu-ral memory offers promise of epistemological grounding ', though not necessarily within a singular national identity (Sugg, 2003, p. 469: see also diaspora; post-colonialism; transna-tionalism). Counter-memories may be assembled and transmitted through oral tradition, but also in less bureaucratized time-places: the body, domestic spaces (Blunt, 2003), neighbourhoods or ' temporal re-territorializations ' of formal spaces (such as carnivals, festivals or rallies; Legg, 2005).The memory projects of marginalized groups may bear the traces of trauma, such that the possibilities of memory are altered. With traumatic recall, events remain in the vivid present, resisting integration through narrativization. Though the state often in-corporates violent or tragic events into a linear narrative of national redemption and over-coming, what Edkins (2003) calls the ' trauma ' of time works differently, and its repetitive dis-ruptive quality can reveal the violent founda-tions of sovereign power. Trauma thus has a relation not just to time but also space and geography; for instance, to narrations and experiences of nation and persistent claims to the homeland. Sugg (2003) draws on Hirsch's concept of post-memory to understand the ' suspended migration ' of second-generation Cuban Ada: children of exiled parents may inherit the collective cultural trauma of their parents and remember their parents ' stories of exile as their own, within a dynamic of longing and return. Alternatively, memor-ializing trauma in the landscape may consti-tute a witnessing public, setting in motion an emerging narrative (and a potential release from traumatic recall; Burk, forthcoming).The recent tendency has been to expand the scope of memory studies by considering the role of performance and bodily and non-bodily practices in the making of memorial landscapes (Hoelscher, 2003), by examining the wider production of social memory beyond demarcated sites of monuments and memor-ials, and by considering the landscape impli-cations of the memories of animals or other than human beings (Lorimer , 2006). NJ/gpSuggested readingJohnson (2003b, 2005); Legg (2007a); Till (2003).mental/cognitive maps, maps, Perhaps the best-known research outcome from behav ioural geography-was the retrieval of the imagined or mental maps in the widespread popular knowledge of places, mental-structs that were seen as intervening between geographical settings and human action. An early study was the simple sketch mapping of urban areas include from memory by Kevin Lynch in the pursuit of good urban design, which permitted an image of the city to be con-structed, revealing districts of knowledge and ignorance, and the role of such remembered features as nodes, edges and landmarks in establishing urban legibility. Behavioural geo-graphers, including Roger Downs and David steak an (1973), in contrast referred to cognitive maps, which they associated with the spatial tasks of orientation and way-finding. More formal and widely replicated were the invaluable traveling experi-ments with paper and pencil tests conducted by Peter Gould and his students (Gould and White, 1993 [1974]), which were intended not so much to identify place knowledge and place ignorance but, rather, to establish a sur-face of place preferences. From surveys in sev-eral countries, mental maps were constructed that revealed both a national preference surface and also a local surface of desirability for a home area. Subsequent work sought to estab-lish the developmental growth of maps among children of increasing age, and examined linkages between geographical preference surfaces and future residential choice and migration propensities (Gould and White, 1993 [1974]).Mental maps were part of a broader move-ment in environmental perception, which in turn has elided into an interest in the repre-sentation and social construction of places in a variety of disciplines using less positivist methods and emphasizing social rather than psychological factors. Nonetheless, the older analytical methods continue to generate inter-esting results (Kitchin, 1994), even if with interdisciplinary dissemination the links with the original work are truncated or forgotten. So a current study of the role of the media in shaping the spatial surface of fear in Los Angeles (Matei and Ball-Rokeach, 2005), contains the key words mental maps, GIS and spatial effects, but omits any reference to Gould's work, including his celebrated feature in Time magazine that included a map of theperceived fear of urban areas.DLSuggested reading Gould and White (1993).